The CDPD Public Domain Collection for CDTV 3/CDPDIII.bin/books/plutarch/numa & lycurgus

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                                      75 AD
                      THE COMPARISON OF NUMA WITH LYCURGUS
                                  by Plutarch
                           translated by John Dryden

  HAVING thus finished the lives of Lycurgus and Numa, we shall now,
though the work be difficult, put together their points of
difference as they lie here before our view. Their points of
likeness are obvious; their moderation, their religion, their capacity
of government and discipline, their both deriving their laws and
constitutions from the gods. Yet in their common glories there are
circumstances of diversity; for first Numa accepted and Lycurgus
resigned a kingdom; Numa received without desiring it, Lycurgus had it
and gave it up; the one from a private person and a stranger was
raised by others to be their king; the other from the condition of a
prince voluntarily descended to the state of privacy. It was
glorious to acquire a throne by justice, yet more glorious to prefer
justice before a throne; the same virtue which made the one appear
worthy of regal power exalted the other to the disregard of it.
Lastly, as the musicians tune their harps, so the one let down the
high-flown spirits of the people at Rome to a lower key, as the
other screwed them up at Sparta to a higher note, when they were
sunken low by dissoluteness and riot. The harder task was that of
Lycurgus; for it was not so much his business to persuade his citizens
to put off their armour or ungird their swords, as to cast away
their gold or silver, and abandon costly furniture and rich tables;
nor was it necessary to preach to them, that, laying aside their arms,
they should observe the festivals, and sacrifice to the gods, but
rather, that, giving up feasting and drinking, they should employ
their time in laborious and martial exercises; so that while the one
effected all by persuasions and his people's love for him, the
other, with danger and hazard of his person, scarcely in the end
succeeded. Numa's muse was a gentle and loving inspiration, fitting
him well to turn and soothe his people into peace and justice out of
their violent and fiery tempers; whereas, if we must admit the
treatment of the Helots to be a part of Lycurgus's legislation, a most
cruel and iniquitous proceeding, we must own that Numa was by a
great deal the more humane and Greek-like legislator, granting even to
actual slaves a licence to sit at meat with their masters at the feast
of Saturn, that they also might have some taste and relish of the
sweets of liberty. For this custom, too, is ascribed to Numa, whose
wish was, they conceive, to give a place in the enjoyment of the
yearly fruits of the soil to those who had helped to produce them.
Others will have it to be in remembrance of the age of Saturn, when
there was no distinction between master and slave, but all lived as
brothers and as equals in a condition of equality.
  In general, it seems that both aimed at the same design and
intent, which was to bring their people to moderation and frugality;
but of other virtues, the one set his affection most on fortitude, and
the other on justice; unless we will attribute their different ways to
the different habits and temperaments which they had to work upon by
their enactments; for Numa did not out of cowardice or fear affect
peace, but because he would not be guilty of injustice; nor did
Lycurgus promote a spirit of war in his people that they might do
injustice to others, but that they might protect themselves by it.
  In bringing the habits they formed in their people to a just and
happy mean, mitigating them where they exceeded, and strengthening
them where they were deficient, both were compelled to make great
innovations. The frame of government which Numa formed was
democratic and popular to the last extreme, goldsmiths and
flute-players and shoemakers constituting his promiscuous,
many-coloured commonalty. Lycurgus was rigid and aristocratical,
banishing all the base and mechanic arts to the company of servants
and strangers, and allowing the true citizens no implements but the
spear and shield, the trade of war only, and the service of Mars,
and no other knowledge or study, but that of obedience to their
commanding officers, and victory over their enemies. Every sort of
money-making was forbid them as freemen; and to make them thoroughly
so and keep them so through their whole lives, every conceivable
concern with money was handed over, with the cooking and the waiting
at table, to slaves and helots. But Numa made none of these
distinctions; he only suppressed military rapacity, allowing free
scope to every other means of obtaining wealth; nor did he endeavour
to do away with inequality in this respect, but permitted riches to be
amassed to any extent, and paid no attention to the gradual and
continual augmentation and influx of poverty; which it was his
business at the outset, whilst there was no great disparity in the
estates of men, and whilst people still lived much in one manner, to
obviate, as Lycurgus did, and take measures of precaution against
the mischiefs of avarice, mischiefs not of small importance, but the
real seed and first beginning of all the great and extensive evils
of after-times. The re-division of estates, Lycurgus is not, it
seems to me, to be blamed for making, nor Numa for omitting; this
equality was the basis and foundation of the one commonwealth; but
at Rome, where the lands had been lately divided, there was nothing to
urge any re-division or any disturbance of the first arrangement,
which was probably still in existence.
  With respect to wives and children, and that community which both,
with a sound policy, appointed, to prevent all jealousy, their
methods, however were different. For when a Roman thought himself to
have a sufficient number of children, in case his neighbour who had
none should come and request his wife of him, he had a lawful power to
give her up to him who desired her, either for a certain time, or
for good. The Lacedaemonian husband, on the other hand, might allow
the use of his wife to any other that desired to have children by her,
and yet still keep her in his house, the original marriage
obligation still subsisting as at first. Nay, many husbands, as we
have said, would invite men whom they thought likely to procure them
fine and good-looking children into their houses. What is the
difference, then, between the two customs? Shall we say that the
Lacedaemonian system is one of an extreme and entire unconcern about
their wives, and would cause most people endless disquiet and
annoyance with pangs and jealousies? the Roman course wears an air
of a more delicate acquiescence, draws the veil of a new contract over
the change, and concedes the general insupportableness of mere
community? Numa's directions, too, for the care of young women, are
better adapted to the female sex and to propriety; Lycurgus's are
altogether unreserved and unfeminine, and have given a great handle to
the poets, who call them (Ibycus, for example) Phoenomerides,
bare-thighed; and give them the character (as does Euripides) of being
wild after husbands-

        "These with the young men from the house go out,
         With thighs that show, and robes that fly about."

For in fact the skirts of the frock worn by unmarried girls were not
sewn together at the lower part, but used to fly back and show the
whole thigh bare as they walked. The thing is most distinctly given by
Sophocles-

            "-She, also, the young maid,
        Whose frock, no robe yet o'er it laid,
        Folding back, leaves her bare thigh free,
        Hermione."

And so their women, it is said, were bold and masculine, overbearing
to their husbands in the first place, absolute mistresses in their
houses, giving their opinions about public matters freely, and
speaking openly even on the most important subjects. But the
matrons, under the government of Numa, still indeed received from
their husbands all that high respect and honour which had been paid
them under Romulus as a sort of atonement for the violence done to
them; nevertheless, great modesty was enjoined upon them; all busy
intermeddling forbidden, sobriety insisted on, and silence made
habitual. Wine they were not to touch at all, nor to speak, except
in their husband's company, even on the most ordinary subjects. So
that once when a woman had the confidence to plead her own cause in
a court of judicature, the senate, it is said, sent to inquire of
the oracle what the prodigy did portend; and, indeed, their general
good behaviour and submissiveness is justly proved by the record of
those that were otherwise; for as the Greek historians record in their
annals the names of those who first unsheathed the sword of civil war,
or murdered their brothers, or were parricides, or killed their
mothers, so the Roman writers report it as the first example, that
Spurius Carvilius divorced his wife, being a case that never before
happened, in the space of two hundred and thirty years from the
foundation of the city; and that one Thalaea, the wife of Pinarius,
had a quarrel (the first instance of the kind) with her mother-in-law,
Gegania, in the reign of Tarquinius Superbus; so successful was the
legislator in securing order and good conduct in the marriage
relation. Their respective regulations for marrying the young women
are in accordance with those for their education. Lycurgus made them
brides when they were of full age and inclination for it. Intercourse,
where nature was thus consulted, would produce, he thought, love and
tenderness, instead of the dislike and fear attending an unnatural
compulsion; and their bodies, also, would be better able to bear the
trials of breeding and of bearing children, in his judgment the one
end of marriage.
  The Romans, on the other hand, gave their daughters in marriage as
early as twelve years old, or even under; thus the thought their
bodies alike and minds would be delivered to the future husband pure
and undefiled. The way of Lycurgus seems the more natural with a
view to the birth of children; the other, looking to a life to be
spent together, is more moral. However, the rules which Lycurgus
drew up for superintendence of children, their collection into
companies, their discipline and association, as also his exact
regulations for their meals, exercises, and sports, argue Numa no more
than an ordinary lawgiver. Numa left the whole matter simply to be
decided by the parent's wishes or necessities; he might, if he
pleased, make his son a husbandman or carpenter, coppersmith or
musician; as if it were of no importance for them to be directed and
trained up from the beginning to one and the same common end, or as
though it would do for them to be like passengers on shipboard,
brought thither each for his own ends and by his own choice, uniting
to act for the common good only in time of danger upon occasion of
their private fears, in general looking simply to their own interest.
  We may forbear, indeed, to blame common legislators, who may be
deficient in power or knowledge. But when a wise man like Numa had
received the sovereignty over a new and docile people, was there
anything that would better deserve his attention than the education of
children, and the training up of the young, not to contrariety and
discordance of character, but to the unity of the common model of
virtue, to which from their cradle they should have been formed and
moulded? One benefit among many that Lycurgus obtained by his course
was the permanence which it secured to his laws. The obligation of
oaths to preserve them would have availed but little, if he had not,
by discipline and education, infused them into the children's
characters, and imbued their whole early life with a love of his
government. The result was that the main points and fundamentals of
his legislation continued for above five hundred years, like some deep
and thoroughly ingrained tincture, retaining their hold upon the
nation. But Numa's whole design and aim, the continuance of peace
and goodwill, on his death vanished with him; no sooner did he
expire his last breath than the gates of Janus's temple flew wide
open, and, as if war had, indeed, been kept and caged up within
those walls, it rushed forth to fill all Italy with blood and
slaughter; and thus that best and justest fabric of things was of no
long continuance, because it wanted that cement which should have kept
all together, education. What, then, some may say, has not Rome been
advanced and bettered by her wars? A question that will need a long
answer, if it is to be one to satisfy men who take the better to
consist in riches, luxury, and dominion, rather than in security,
gentleness, and that independence which is accompanied by justice.
However, it makes much for Lycurgus, that, after the Romans had
deserted the doctrine and discipline of Numa, their empire grew and
their power increased so much; whereas so soon as the Lacedaemonians
fell from the institutions of Lycurgus, they sank from the highest
to the lowest state, and, after forfeiting their supremacy over the
rest of Greece, were themselves in danger of absolute extirpation.
Thus much, meantime, was peculiarly signal and almost divine in the
circumstances of Numa, that he was an alien, and yet courted to come
and accept a kingdom, the frame of which though he entirely altered,
yet he performed it by mere persuasion, and ruled a city that as yet
had scarce become one city, without recurring to arms or any
violence (such as Lycurgus used, supporting himself by the aid of
the nobler citizens against the commonalty), but, by mere force of
wisdom and justice, established union and harmony amongst all.


                              THE END